The Kingdom of Yugoslavia signed the Geneva Protocol in In September of , all remaining equipment and materials associated with the production of CW agents were destroyed under the supervision of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons OPCW inspectors. Though the SFRY's indigenous missile capabilities were relatively limited, the country and its successor the FRY at times raised significant missile proliferation concerns because of its cooperation with Libya and Iraq.
Prior to Operation Desert Storm, Yugoslavia worked cooperatively with Iraq in the latter's efforts to manufacture the Yugoslavian M Orkan multiple rocket launcher. Embassy's non-paper claimed that the FRY assisted both Libya and Iraq with their "long range" cruise missile programs, citing the presence of FRY missile specialists in Iraq throughout This department is no longer listed on the VMA website and may have been disbanded.
This material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, or agents. Copyright Nuclear The regime of Josip Broz Tito, driven by a desire for international status and security and concerns about a potential Soviet attack, initiated a nuclear weapons program in the late s.
The Counterintelligence Service of the Yugoslav Army, the State Security Service of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and different foreign intelligence services usually British and American all feature more or less prominently in the various interpretations of the origin of the intercepts. Whatever the case may be, it is certain that the Tribunal ultimately acquired the intercepts from the British and American governments, though only after a protracted public battle which was particularly heated with the Conservative government of John Major. No matter which intelligence service created the intercepts, credible press sources suggest that Western intelligence services were in possession of the intercepts virtually as the recorded conversations were taking place.
What did the Western diplomats and foreign policy makers, therefore, know about Yugoslavia and when did they know it? It seems safe to conclude that they most likely had all the necessary information, and that they had it in real time. Besides, the Yugoslav crisis evolved over a long period of time and its slide toward extreme violence was gradual. Nothing about its development was either sudden or novel.
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And what can we say about the actual responses of Western diplomats and foreign policy makers to the events in Yugoslavia? The Serbs are trying to hold the country together Indeed, if there was one overarching feature of Western policy toward Yugoslavia in the run-up to its breakup and beyond , it was this clear preference for the Yugoslav federation to remain united. No one with any influence on Western foreign policy wished to see Yugoslavia disintegrate.
Western governments turned a blind eye to the extremely violent interventions of the police and Army units against the Kosovo Albanians in the late s. They had no reaction to the Belgrade-instigated mutiny of the Krajina Serbs against the Croatian government in August And last, but not least, they gave signals of understanding for a possible intervention of the Yugoslav Army. According to highest Yugoslav officials, Western powers signalled they would have no reaction to a JNA intervention against Slovenia in the spring of and in early December Since a number of popular accounts of the Yugoslav events particularly single out the newly unified Germany as supposedly expanding the reach of its power to the Balkans and flexing its new foreign policy muscles by inducing Slovenia and Croatia to pursue independence and thus destabilising Yugoslavia, it has to be clearly said that such interpretations are false.
Anticipating the changes in the East, it was interested in Yugoslavia maintaining its leading role, as a frontrunner of better and easier transitions to democracy. That is why Germany supported Yugoslavia energetically.
This connection between the events in the Soviet Union and those in Yugoslavia was indeed of crucial importance for many Western foreign policy makers. Their aforementioned questionable policy choices in Yugoslavia which were rooted in their strong preference for its unity actually closely mirrored their similar policies toward the developments in the USSR. Western responses to reactionary relapses of the Gorbachev regime in a series of violent episodes from the Caucasus to the Baltics in the period between and ranged from complete silence to muted ambivalence.
His crass remark epitomised his decision to detach America from the Yugoslav crisis. Americans will not support those who seek independence in order to replace a far-off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those who promote a suicidal nationalism based on ethnic hatred.
The main conclusion we can draw from the actions of the Western leaders at the time is that the tectonic shifts in the international system did not make them embrace the opportunity to mould the world into something better or more just. The crumbling of the Soviet bloc actually made them concerned for the stability of the European and global security system. The end of the Cold War may have been hailed as a victory of freedom and democracy, but what was in fact desperately craved was stability.
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